A Chinese folk temple typically has no resident ordained priesthood of its own comparable to a Daoist or Buddhist clergy; its deity, whether a city god, Mazu, a locally important historical figure deified after death, or another member of the vast and locally variable folk pantheon, is instead served by a temple that is owned and administered by the surrounding community itself, organized through a management committee elected or otherwise selected from among prominent local figures, historically merchants, landowners and lineage elders, and increasingly in the modern period a mix of business owners, professionals and elected local politicians. This committee holds legal and practical responsibility for the temple building and its finances, funded through donations, rents on temple-owned property and proceeds from festivals, and it is the committee, not any single religious authority, that decides when and how to renovate the building, whom to hire as ritual specialists, either Daoist priests or Buddhist monks depending on local custom and the specific rite required, and how to organize the deity's annual procession through the community it protects. This lay governance structure is not a modern secularizing innovation but appears to be close to the tradition's normal historical form, reflecting Chinese folk religion's general character as what sociologist C. K. Yang influentially termed a diffused religion, one whose institutions are woven into ordinary community and family organization rather than separated out into an independent religious hierarchy.